The government needs Yolanda Díaz to mobilize abstentions and her historic voter if she wants to rehabilitate La Moncloa
After the Andalusian elections, the Melilla massacre and the NATO summit, the presentation of Sumar, the project of a Yolanda Díaz, comes with less political honor than before the adoption of the labor reform. Runaway inflation has ravaged the government’s credibility among its niche voters, Sánchez’s international stubbornness has diminished the second vice president’s prominence, and internal tensions in United We Can have increased the sense of emptiness among the transformative left.
Ione Belarra and Irene Montero even decided to confront Díaz and feed the ghost that he would attend the summit of the Atlantic Alliance, to which he was not even invited. This, rather than dismissing the rumor, decided to feed it by resorting to dialectical indeterminacy so as not to exhaust itself politically. In fact, the second vice president has built up her presidential image throughout the legislature, unlike the left, which allows itself to be so angry.
It seems that the wave of transversality is returning. While it is true that, as Díaz said, the left-hand side of the PSOE is something small and marginal, in Spain the tools that have tried to drive from left to right have had a journey that has not even lived up to their own expectations. If not, ask Rosa Díez, Albert Rivera or Íñigo Errejón, currently in the Plural Group. Although society is becoming more complex and labels like ‘left’ or ‘right’ do not fully represent it, environmentalism, militarism, feminism or liberalism are ideological concepts. The left is wrong in expecting “civility” and “common sense” to return to dominate the center of its discourse.
Sumar’s founding act comes at a time when both sides in the governing coalition show aloofness and lack of empathy for the society they represent. Pedro Sánchez, on the one hand, threatens with a left turn and, on the other, congratulates the Moroccan police after a sadistic act and boasts of increasing military spending in a country with an inflation rate of more than 10%. At the same time, the government left spends days defending the appropriateness of the photo of Irene Montero in New York, which, with raw materials through the roof, is an obvious political communication error. And that’s it. The debate doesn’t care anymore and promoting it is a mistake.
The government must gain credibility and Díaz must mobilize abstentions and his historic voter if he wants to revalidate La Moncloa. If he doesn’t, the blame lies with him and not with the boycotts or the contention of the far-right media terminals that Sánchez has joined. First, because these forces are the same ones that wanted to prevent the president from bringing the PSOE secretary-general or Pablo Iglesias back into government, and second, because the drop in expectations in the polls stems from social coverage reaching not citizenship. In Andalusia even their historical voter did not support them.
It is clear that the militaristic climate and runaway inflation are playing against a ‘listening process’ aimed at a bourgeoisie in need of solutions. In addition, the constant shadow of Podemos, who must profile himself to play an important role in the candidacy, will weigh on Díaz’s entire journey. Again, we will see a clash between the strength with which Podemos stepped into government and the flexibility that helped Díaz come to agreements. While Podemos decided to focus two weeks of his activity on animaversion towards NATO, something that is purely symbolic, the second vice president focuses on avoiding an increase in military spending, which can have practical translations.
Ione Belarra stated that she would like a summit for peace in Madrid. And I would really like Athletic to win the Champions League next season, but they are not even classified. In politics you have to learn to distinguish between what you want to achieve and what you can achieve. That is the great value of Diaz. However, Podemos abuses a childishness in which it converts empty slogans into its political action program.
The war in Ukraine and the pandemic have sharpened individualistic sentiment in society, which has moved to the right. The framework within which progressivism plays is becoming increasingly complex, but that does not mean that it should not challenge the collective imaginary. Moreover, it must do it from an intellectual honesty. Probably more than declaring summits in favor of peace, it is more effective to rethink Europe’s defense system and demand a Europe with its own voice in the world’s geopolitics. This would, of course, mean the left-wing contradictions in light of the joining of forces that exist in the Union, but if they do not take up this task, Orban, Le Pen or Abascal will.
Source: La Verdad
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