Cemop’s demographic studies correctly examine opinions on domestic issues, but they ignore national issues essential to explain the emergence of the votes, the emergence here of the most radical right-wing positions and the barriers that make it very difficult to allow the socialists to rule in the region
Boris Johnson’s resignation this week has reminded many in Spain of the fall of Pablo Casado and Teodoro García Egea. In both cases, it was the result of an internal revolt by prominent collaborators who, with a devastating stream of desertions, resigned until they left the leader unsupported. There is one big difference, however: the British Conservatives knocked down their boss while in power. It is unthinkable in Spain for a party to let its prime minister resign. Casado fell because he was in the opposition and the polls began to show him as an electoral liability. If he had been in charge of the presidency of the government, no one would have called him names. It didn’t even happen to Rajoy when he was given the chance to make way for another leader of his party to keep La Moncloa as a possible way to stop Pedro Sánchez’s vote of censure. No one in the PP has blamed Rajoy for this refusal while he was prime minister.
The other big difference is that Johnson has to leave for lying, something that hardly takes its toll on Spanish politics. Former Tory MP Rory Stewart says ‘Johnson is probably the best liar we’ve ever had as Prime Minister. He knows a hundred different ways to lie.” In the end, the weight of so much deception was unbearable. After countless scandals that he sidestepped with arrogance and boastfulness, one last uncovered lie led him to the political scaffold. And it was his people who laid the noose around the neck of someone who showed as much disdain for the truth as Trump himself.
Having such an uncommitted relationship with the truth is not a burden in Spain as it is in Britain, where a blatant lie continues to scandalize the citizens with dire consequences for those who practice it. In general, we are more forgiving here, especially with those contradictions that make one wonder if it’s a dishonest lie or a genuine change of heart. Probably because repeated transgressions do not expect much from political promises and solemn positions. For this reason, the causes of Pedro Sánchez’s wear and tear, which are reflected in all polls, including those of the CIS, should not be sought in the numerous contradictions between what he said in the opposition that he would do and what he is doing in power. . This, which gives so much leeway in videos on social networks, is actually being written off for electoral purposes. It is not so much the fact that he said he would never agree with Bildu and that he does that astonishes much of the bourgeoisie as why. What stings and loses support is not that the president is pushing through a Democratic Memory bill, which may be necessary, but that he is doing so with the backing of the nationalist left that has not yet condemned ETA’s crimes.
The mere possibility of negotiating the Transition story with the gang’s political heirs is what has outraged a large majority, starting with the socialists themselves who tragically fell victim to terrorist barbarity in their own ranks. If Rajoy’s PP went into opposition at the time, it was not because he was not constantly telling the truth about the shameful taint of corruption that was spreading in his party, but because those behaviors contrary to law and ethics were genuine, as he used to be. leaving the evidence in court, and aroused the general disapproval of the population. It was not resorting to lies, it was corruption that sent the PP to the opposition bench.
The president of the government can say on television that the employment figures are “formidable”, without any shame in equating the number of Social Security members with the actual number of contributors (we’d like to), or lead us to believe that the increase in fixed-stop contracts, positive in some respects, leads directly to a decrease in temporary agency work. But the factory of political narratives in La Moncloa, effective as it may be in some matters, cannot hide the reality that the pact with Bildu and the Catalan independents was and is the price of gaining and retaining power, just what the socialist feared. barons when they unsuccessfully tried to oust Pedro Sánchez from the PSOE. Negotiations conducted in the past by both the socialist and popular governments with the pro-ETA left and the terrorist group itself, so criticized by one and the other on the basis of the fluctuating political situation, sought to end the violence. Now the pacts with Bildu are an arithmetic imposition to maintain power. Hence the silence of the socialist barons who criticized him when the PSOE was in opposition.
The bottomless democratic distance between the PSOE and Bildu’s Basque separatists is clear. I have no doubt how bitter this swallow can be for Sanchez, but he is there and it is his responsibility. This is the elephant in the room that some claim not to see, but which is in full view of the electorate. Cemop’s demoscopic studies successfully and in-depth examine opinions on domestic issues, but they ignore national issues that are key to the genesis of the vote, explain the emergence of the most radical positions of the right and those for the Murcian socialists to overcome very difficult hurdles to win in the elections and one day rule again in the region of Murcia.
Source: La Verdad
I’m an experienced news author and editor based in New York City. I specialize in covering healthcare news stories for Today Times Live, helping to keep readers informed on the latest developments related to the industry. I have a deep understanding of medical topics, including emerging treatments and drugs, the changing laws that regulate healthcare providers, and other matters that affect public health.
