“Bolsonaro, Putin and Orban merge in rejecting gender policy”

Jair Bolsonaro’s meetings with Russian President Vladimir Putin and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban a week before the invasion of Ukraine show that the closeness between the governments of these countries extends beyond the realms of ideology and discourse.

For the coordinator of the Observatory of Sexuality and Politics (SPW), Sonia Correa, one of the leading academic scholars in feminist studies in Brazil, has translated into international alliances against gender equality and the sexual and reproductive rights of women and LGBT people.

Bolsonaro, who called Hungary’s leader of the far-right “brother” and Putin a “friend”, translated the relationship between the two ultra-conservative leaders as a common belief in “God, country and family”. Corrêa analyzes the many meanings of leaders’ meetings in Brazil, but also in an interview with Agencia Pública a year after the Hungarian elections.

During a meeting with Putin and Orban, Bolsonaro stressed that the governments of the three countries have in common the protection of the “family”. Can you explain how this discourse unites ultra-right governments and how LGBT and women’s attacks are being attacked?

Defending the “family” or defending a certain concept is also a recurring theme in Christian doctrine, especially in Catholicism. This doctrine has undergone transformations throughout history. In the current political debate, the traditional concept of the family joins the broader equation of neoliberal rationality, which values ​​and reinforces the role of the family with a double key. On the one hand, it perceives the family as a stabilized element of social order that is subject to constant instability through the regulation of a market economy. On the other hand, as Angela Gandra unequivocally argued [secretaria Nacional de la Familia, del Ministerio de la Mujer, la Familia y los Derechos Humanos de Brasil] In the last article: “Investing in the family allows us to reduce public spending on social protection.” In Russia and Hungary, where the birth rate is very low, governments are also investing in families for demographic purposes, ie to support large families.

What are the convergences between Russia, Hungary and Brazil in anti-gender attacks?

The speeches of Bolsonaro, Putin and Orb .n shamelessly coincide when it comes to rejecting gender policy. But before delving into these lines of rapprochement, it is interesting to briefly recall how gender rejection is linked to family politics. The mature version of this denial was decided in the 1990s, based on two arguments. The first is that the notion of gender is bait because it is presented as protecting the equality of women and men, but in reality it promotes “sexual polymorphism”, “family ending” and “human destruction”. “Second, no less important, is that ‘gender ideology’ is a ‘new face of Marxism.’

What was Putin’s government like in this area?

Putin also expressed his rejection of the so-called “gender ideology.” Prior to announcing Bolsonaro’s trip to Moscow, at a meeting of the Valdai Discussion Club, he criticized gender as a geopolitical issue. In this speech, he drew an analogy between the current gender policy in education and the educational experiments of Soviet totalitarianism aimed at “deliberately destroying religion and the family” and suggested that “propaganda of gender ideology should be considered a crime.” Against humanity. ”

Does Brazil already have a more consolidated exchange with Hungary on human rights and gender issues?

Orban was one of the heads of state who attended Bolzonaro’s inauguration and was responsible for his mention in his February 17 speech. [durante una reunión con el presidente brasileño]. In Hungary, since 2015, attacks on academic production on gender have been systematic. Today, gender studies in the country are virtually halted, and several feminist scholars have left Hungary. In addition, Hungary has a Ministry of Family Affairs and a strong “family protection” policy over the years.

What is Russia’s entry into the Geneva consensus?

The Geneva Consensus was a platform formalized by the Trump administration in the last moments (October 2020). It was preceded by two declarations, also signed by Brazil, which were submitted to the WHO General Assembly and the UN General Assembly in 2019. Poland, Hungary and Brazil were the first partners of the United States. The final document condemns the Reproductive Health and Reproductive Rights Policy and calls for the protection of the family and was originally signed by 36 countries, which is quite small given the 193 member states of the UN. With the defeat of Trump, the Biden government abandoned the platform that will now be led by Brazil. In September 2021, Guatemala joined the consensus and became the second Latin American country to participate in the platform. Russia then announced its membership. With the departure of the United States, the leadership of Brazil and the recent accession of Russia, due to the geopolitical weight of both countries, will undoubtedly strengthen the initiative.

Are these corrections only discursive if they have concrete consequences?

The convergence of the speeches of Bolsonaro, Putin, and Orban on issues of gender, family, tradition, and Christianity is undeniable. But there are significant differences between Brazil and Russia, on the one hand, and between Brazil and Hungary, on the other, in terms of institutional density. So far there has been no more systematic exchange of experience between Brazil and Russia in terms of exchanging experience, formulating and applying public policy, as has clearly happened with Hungary. In the case of this country the exchange already exists, it is very intense. In the current pre-election conditions, it is good not to lose sight of new initiatives in this area of ​​cooperation, especially with Hungary, which has done quite sophisticated work in promoting cultural conservatism.

What does this rapprochement with the governments of Russia and Hungary mean in terms of this year’s elections?

These visits came at a time when new election cycles are taking place in Europe, Latin America, and also in the United States, where the consolidation or return of the right is in jeopardy. In Europe, Vox experienced significant growth in the recent elections in Castile and Le .n. In the coming days there are elections in France and (this week) in Hungary, where Orban will face a pronounced opposition for the first time. In Latin America, Colombia will elect a new president in May, and in October we will have elections in Brazil. By-elections are held in the United States in November.

What are the bets of Russia and Hungary in the Brazilian elections?

Judging by the domino theory of the Cold War, I believe that none of them is interested in the “loss of Brazil”, which is both a strategic alliance and a crucial “mediator” in intergovernmental negotiations. It is vital to ask what the Bolsonaro and Brazilian right-wingers are seeking from these forces as part of their election strategy, as well as how these state actors and their non-governmental organizations will invest in the 2022 Brazilian elections. Of course, there will be much more to it than an auto de feminist. Undoubtedly, this is a very important part of the equation. This is not the only one. It is necessary to observe carefully to understand the potential contribution of other forces and actors moving in the conspiracies we have been talking about in the 2022 elections in Brazil.

Full interview Published in Portuguese by Agência Pública.