Alliance party political programs are generally produced very reasonably, and the most recent is no different.
Stunning graphics that convey essential messages unfold from the most beautiful scenery in Northern Ireland.
Alliance leader Naomi Long gives a confident voice, but otherwise she wasn’t in the spotlight on purpose.
Instead, attention is focused on candidates in major constituencies as the party seeks to win the May Council elections.
Over the years, the alliance has used the highly effective motto of “ask for better” in support, but this time it has changed to “together we can”.
While not entirely original, it’s a string of excited positives ahead of this weekend’s party convention. With nine weeks to go before the Stormont election, the coalition has plenty of positive sentiment.
In the 2019 Council and Europe elections, the coalition crossed the 10% threshold in first preferences as voters expressed frustration with the big parties during Stormont’s three-year hiatus.
Some have questioned whether “alliance growth” became known after the renewed redistribution of power, but a series of polls suggest that is the case.
They noted that the coalition in 2017 of the fifth largest party with 9.1% and eight seats could increase in size by more than 15% and the number of double-digit seats.
Lagan Valley, North Belfast, South Down and Upper Bann are among the areas where the party is seeking protection for the new MLAs.
While political analysts believe the battle for the premiership between the DUP and Sinn Féin is the issue that will lose the most seats, the alliance appears to be on an upward trajectory.
Some question whether there has been a delay in the performance of the Ulster Unionist Party led by Doug Petty.
Since he became UUP’s leader last May, Mr Beatty appears to have been arrested at least during the party’s waning years. He is a good performer of media whose socially liberal personal values can appeal to coalition voters.
Controversy over his insulting tweets in the past has had the potential to erode the prospects for expanding UUP support.
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However, this does not appear to deter voters, many of whom do not use Twitter and will only see his remarks in vague words in the news.
In a pre-conference interview with Belfast Live, Ms Long said it was a “wrong analysis” to think that people would vote for UUP if they did not vote for the coalition.
However, the coalition wants to reveal the weaknesses that Ulster unionists see as the election approaches.
One problem may be Petty’s bid last year to win the Lagan Valley Member of Parliament, Sir Geoffrey Donaldson, of the DUP after losing the leadership contest to Edwin Potts.
While much attention has so far been given to what this secret meeting meant for Sir Geoffrey’s leadership, it could also be detrimental to Mr Pete.
Ms Long said: “However, I think it shows that there is not much difference between the two sides, despite the gloss and all the allegations in very different places.”
He also questioned the UUP’s “progressive” credentials and followed the party’s way of recently opposing the coalition’s proposal to fly transgender flags in Armah, Banbridge and Cregon district councils.
The East Belfast MLA said that “the idea of a progressive presence is not the only thing a leader can talk about, so the rest of the party will continue as usual”.
The coalition party should generally return to the government when it is reformed after the elections.
Ms. Long did not rule out resistance, but the passion with which she spoke about the prospect of seizing the wallets of several Alliance Ministers says otherwise.
The rise of the coalition and other parties not specified in the constitution, such as the Green Party, means that Stormont is increasingly seen as the seat of three major minority groups: the “nationalist”, “unionist” and the “other”.
Depending on the reach of these nonaligned parties, there comes a time when it will be necessary to reconsider how power-sharing structures operate to reflect this new reality.
Source: Belfastlive
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