Italians tend to use a rich sign language, in which the hands play a fundamental role. More than once I have attended meetings between Spanish and Italian historians, alternating on stage. Some of the former gave the feeling of being struck by temporary paralysis, in contrast to the tireless dynamism of their transalpine colleagues.
One of these gestures is difficult to count. It requires bringing four fingers together, wrapping the thumb almost into a fist, and waving them up nervously to emphasize a statement. If the half fist is motionless and down, it is a dead Italian, for if it were alive it would set it in motion by speaking.
It came to my mind this week when I saw Enrico Letta and Giorgia Meloni face to face. The Democratic Party professor was a dead Italian. She looked at the camera as if she were teaching a class, and was bored with it. Meloni, for her part, acted and gestured, especially with her face and hands, which turned like battering rams at her opponent to emphasize the discrepancies, while a steely gaze was fixed on the viewer. Nearly thirty years away, it was the second part of another decisive face-to-face, which sealed the defeat of the centre-left against newcomer Berlusconi, a neat demagogue clad in blue, of security and hope, while his rival Achille Occhetto , of the exPCI, was wearing a hideous brown suit, typical of an official of the Communist International.
The image policy is not the only factor that explains the seven points that the leader of Fratelli d’Italia has taken from Letta, some post-fascists who continue to show the “fiamma” and the founder La Russa the Roman salute, for of the heirs by Enrico Berlinguer and Aldo Moro. We witness an eternal struggle that recalls the closing scene of ‘Novecento’, where Depardieu and De Niro were still locked in a confrontation that has always won justice since 1948.
There were, of course, deeper reasons, but the fact is that Vox’s friend was able to embody in word and image a reaction that was already working in the 1920s, of identity confirmation and expression of social unrest. The spectacular jump from 4.4% in 2018 to 26% reflects a sociological and political mutation of the electorate, following the attitude of populist rejection of the establishment, which was the basis of the victory of the five-star movement four years ago. A very serious mutation.
The Democratic Party thus ends its historic trajectory in decline. He is the old loser from Ana Belén’s song. From an ambivalent background until the 1960s – between communism and democracy – he then managed to promote a policy of democratization at all levels of social and political life, which, if not noticeable in Rome, is noticeable in his administration of Bologna. He managed to be the only bastion against Berlusconism, lead two great democrats -Napolitano and Mattarella- to the presidency of the Republic, with difficult and impeccable achievements, and of late become the linchpin of the government of national unity, including salvini. Government that, under the leadership of Mario Draghi, has managed to close the circle of going through the pandemic crisis with an undeniable economic recovery and defense of social rights. In addition to positioning itself unconditionally on the side of Ukraine. Moreover, agile, as his contract with Algeria for gas proved.
It has been worth nothing, neither to the Democrats nor to Mario Draghi. The voters have rewarded those who opposed good governance: Meloni, who has become a herald of sovereignty against Europe despite what the EU contributes economically to Italy; Conte, who blew up the Draghi Executive of the 5 Star Movement. Even right-wing parties like Salvini’s Lega and the Berlusconian Forza Italia have been sanctioned for joining a national front for economic rationalization.
By contrast, the “rompiscatole” — finer than egg-breakers — have worked out well for Calenda and Renzi, with their personalist projects of hostile brethren, united only by opposition to the Democrats. The front of the right-not the center-right- has been able to express itself to impose itself on the mosaic of “everyone against the Democratic Party” of the center and left.
You have to admit it, but you don’t have to resign yourself. Italy as the third pillar of the EU is succeeded by the Italy of “sovereignty”, of masked anti-Europeanism, fraternally united with the Hungarian Orban. Giorgia Meloni brilliantly personifies her. Also almost hidden, the change in policy towards Ukraine will take place, in a pro-Russian sense: it is not without reason that Putin only wanted to place “people per bene” in Kiev (Berlusconi said on the primetime program ‘Porta a porta’ ).
Immigration should serve as a scapegoat for the restriction of rights planned by Salvini, the future interior minister. And as for the regime, a radical turn towards presidentialism, like Marine Le Pen (and if that’s not possible, it was Mattarella, who allowed the Great Corruptor to tell his grandchildren that he is president of the republic).
Decisive turn in Italy, downhill in Europe from ultra sign. A threat that must also be fought here, from the center left, and not with populism.
Source: La Verdad
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