Johnson challenges EU by violating what was agreed to ‘Brexit’ for Northern Ireland


Suggests removing controls and bureaucracy in trade with Ulster. to decrease

The UK government has introduced a bill in Parliament which, if approved, could lead to radical changes in the rules that would allow Northern Ireland to remain on the UK market and in the Community at the same time. Boris Johnson’s unilateral proposal changes the withdrawal agreement from the European Union, which sealed ‘Brexit’.

The Department of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, which promotes the bill, said it would “identify parts of the Northern Ireland Protocol and make the necessary changes to restore stability and ensure that the delicate balance of the Belfast or Good Friday is protected”. Johnson has described the changes as “a trivial adjustment”.

The bill aims to create a system of channels, red and green, which would allow the movement of products from Great Britain to be steered, depending on whether their destination is the same region or the common market in Southern Ireland. It will also allow for the coexistence of a dual regulatory system so that products subject to UK or Community rules circulate throughout the region.

What the UK government is presenting as “The Solution” also includes unilateral changes to the application of the VAT system and to the rules governing state aid to businesses. And it takes away the role of the European Court of Justice in dispute settlement, by turning it over to British courts or an international panel.

The state of emergency invoked by the project’s initiators is recognized in international law as a reason to justify the actions of a state, and in the first article, the authors of the protocol define it as a legal construct that violates the constitutional arrangements of 1998 or the integrity of the United Kingdom. London uses these arguments against those who accuse it, and there are many in the Conservative Party itself, of digging into the illegality.

The need for these unilateral measures is justified because the European Commission would not have listened to complaints from Northern Irish businessmen about the excessive paperwork required of them and the costs involved. There is also damage to citizens of the region, who, for example, experience delays in receiving parcels. In some cases, it concerns damage that ‘Brexit’ has also caused in other parts of the United Kingdom.

Britain’s largest association of businessmen, CBI, has opposed government unilateralism. Food industry associations, important to the regional economy, this weekend expressed satisfaction with the benefits of access to both markets to the BBC. The dairy sector is concerned that the divergent regulations – the only thing that justifies pushing for a dual system – will break down the integration of Northern and Southern Ireland’s industries.

Johnson’s need would also be political. The second party in the latest election, the radical trade unionist DUP, invokes ghostly economic ruins to reject the Protocol. He passionately resents the ever-unionist Northern Ireland having customs barriers with the rest of the UK in ‘post-Brexit’, and having to submit to directives it does not participate in drafting. The party leader, Sir Jeffrey Donaldson, says he feels “a second-class citizen” in his country.

A majority of the autonomous deputies elected in May’s elections, 52 out of 90, wrote a letter to the government rejecting its bill and unilateralism. But the Northern Ireland created in the 1998 agreement is based on consensus. The DUP does not agree to rebuild the regional executive while the protocol is in effect. A partially repealing law is the solution Johnson offers him. The DUP has not guaranteed when it will join the consensus after this gesture.

Meanwhile, a merry debate is raging in Belfast over whether lawyer John Larkin, the former regional head of the Crown Prosecution Service, has found a truly fatal flaw in drafting community rules that require local authorities to introduce customs controls on products. Great Britain. A case in the Supreme Court of Northern Ireland will have to determine whether, as Larkin says, this big mess is based on a misunderstanding.

A 46-year-old man, Winkie Irvine, who has been described by the media as a group worker and at the same time the head of Company B of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), a criminal and sectarian group, has been interned in prison after police saw how he loaded a bag of weapons into the trunk of his car that the driver of a van also arrested gave him.

Police followed him because of his possible involvement, in March, in an attempt to plant a bomb on a site where Irish Foreign Secretary Simon Coveney was giving a speech. Irvine worked in peace transition organisations, often funded by the EU; But it is now believed that his strange arrest could be a sign that the group responsible for the first killings in the Northern Ireland conflict in 1966 is arming itself to return to violence.

On the same day that the London government is presenting a bill to meet the demands of radical union work, the Ministry of Defense reached a compensation agreement with nine of the eleven families of innocent victims, riddled with bullets by soldiers of the Parachute Regiment in the Ballymurphy. neighborhood, a Catholic ghetto area of ​​West Belfast, in 1971.

Source: La Verdad


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